Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 59

After lunch, Captain O'Terry decided to launch an attack on the opposite bank. He said to Lieutenant Olivier, who tried to stop him, "If those Tibetans realize what's happening and concentrate their forces on the other side, we'll be in trouble. We should seize the crossing before they do, and then see if the iron chain bridge can be repaired. That would make it much easier for reinforcements to cross. I'll write to the colonel and ask him to come and support us as soon as possible. I'll take the machine gun platoon and cross the river first. I believe I can hold out on the other side until tomorrow afternoon, unless those barbarians exceed 1000, after all, we only brought 1250 rounds of machine gun ammunition..."

Chapter 202 Protest

Perhaps the British Empire was corrupt on some level, but for the imperialists who came to the colonies hoping to make a fortune, the empire was still at its zenith, and they were full of bright visions for the future of the empire and themselves.

Captain Ottore was one of them. His idol, Colonel Younghusband, had become a renowned expert on Tibetan affairs through his explorations in Central Asia and Tibet, which earned him this opportunity to lead the expedition. Currently, victory seemed assured; they might even become the first foreign army to enter Lhasa, and Colonel Younghusband might be knighted for it.

Thinking of the honors the colonel was about to receive, Captain O'Try couldn't help but look forward to becoming the next Colonel Honorable Men. He much preferred a thrilling battle to a smooth crossing of the river, a battle that would be his most glorious moment in the Tibetan campaign. Slaughtering Tibetans with Maxim machine guns and artillery was hardly something to be proud of in his experience fighting in Tibet.

With this thought in mind, the captain bid farewell to his beloved horse and instructed Lieutenant Harry Singh to take good care of it. Then, he, along with Lieutenants Albert and Olivier, 80 soldiers, and a Maxim machine gun, boarded two horse-drawn wooden boats. They also brought along villagers who could row and boatmen who could steer.

Lieutenant Albert led 50 men on the first boat to scout ahead, while Captain O'Tlay, along with Lieutenant O'Lewell and a Maxim machine gun platoon, sat on the second boat as backup. The machine guns were even mounted on the bow, ready to fire on the river. Because this was a battle for honor, the captain had abandoned the only Sikh lieutenant on the south bank.

Not only did he feel this way, but his two colleagues also felt that this honor had nothing to do with Sikhs; it belonged to the British Empire. However, Lieutenant Harry Singh had served for over 20 years, and the reason he was still a lieutenant was because this was the highest a Sikh could rise through the ranks. Perhaps some Sikh nobles could obtain higher ranks, but those were merely honorary titles, not earned through step-by-step promotions in the military.

Captain Ottley had just completed three years of military service, Lieutenant Albert two, and Lieutenant Olivier only a year and a half. After all, promotion for British officers in colonial troops was as easy as eating; suppressing a rebellion could earn them merit and awards.

This is also why most British officers preferred to serve in the Indian Army; other colonies were either too backward or had no wars to fight. Only in India could they not only enjoy modern life in the cities but also earn merit in war, and even without war, they could at least hunt.

In fact, most British officers stationed in India, upon returning to Britain, preferred to boast not of their massacres of the natives, but of their adventurous hunting experiences in the jungle. This earned many officers the admiration of upper-class ladies. Of course, in the eyes of these British officers, fighting the natives was no different from hunting wild beasts, perhaps even more dangerous.

Just as the British were passionately advancing towards the north bank of the Yarlung Tsangpo River, the Tibetan army had already chosen its positions. Wu Luzhen had five platoons under his command, including two platoons equipped with new weapons. Even without counting the Tibetan army's platoon, he had more than 260 men, completely overwhelming the British and Indian troops on the ship in terms of numbers.

During his observation, Wu Luzhen also noticed that there were about four or five people wearing peaked caps on the first ship, but almost everyone on the second ship was wearing a peaked cap. By carefully distinguishing them through his binoculars, he could roughly determine that those wearing peaked caps were British, while those wearing turbans were Indians.

Of course, he also spotted the Maxim machine gun mounted on the second ship through his binoculars. Just as he was thinking about what to do with the machine gun, Chen Jingcun sent a soldier to report to him, hoping that he could wait until the second ship docked before taking action, because he wanted to leave the machine gun behind.

Wu Luzhen certainly wouldn't refuse such a request. If they could capture a machine gun, the defense of this ferry crossing would be upgraded by a whole level. However, he also had some doubts about whether Chen Jingcun really had the ability to keep it.

Standing behind the gentle slope, Chen Jingcun called out all four sniper teams, making a total of five sniper teams including his own. Each sniper team typically consisted of three people: a sniper, an observer, and a messenger. Following guerrilla warfare tactics, sniper teams generally operated independently or in coordination outside the main position. In reality, the Marine Corps School generally discouraged positional warfare, a stark contrast to the tactical style of the Army NCO School.

Wu Luzhen, a top student at the sergeant academy, was unfamiliar with sniper tactics and treated these snipers as sharpshooters, placing them in fixed positions. However, Chen Jingcun did not intend to do so. He placed four sniper teams in four areas outside the main position, allowing them to move freely, but instructed sniper positions 1 and 2 to control the Maxim machine gunners on the second ship, sniper team 4 to control the rowers, and sniper team 4 to shoot the commander.

Chen Jingcun was determined to acquire the machine gun. He even overlooked the fact that the British soldiers on the second ship were genuine British. The British refused to let Indian soldiers handle such a powerful weapon as the Maxim machine gun. They would rather let Indians join the artillery than see Indian soldiers using Maxim machine guns to kill white people one day.

While sitting on the boat, Captain Otley joked with Lieutenant Olivier, "No wonder these Tibetans hang a horse's head on the boat. Indeed, this boat is quite slow, and they probably hope that hanging a horse's head will make it run faster. Or I should consider it a trophy."

Lieutenant Olivier sat on a blanket, touched the wood on the boat, and said, "The wood here is quite nice, it looks a lot like teak. It's just that this horse head is too big and too heavy; otherwise, it could really be taken back as a decoration. Compared to this cumbersome horse head, I think we should look for something more valuable. The colonel and his men looted a temple and transported a whopping 400 mules..."

Just as the British were discussing what to take as spoils of war so as not to waste their precious transport capacity, Lieutenant Albert's ship finally docked. He landed about fifty or sixty paces upstream from where the Tibetans had set up fortifications. The villagers who were building fortifications immediately fled back to their village near the ferry crossing, while the Tibetan soldiers, who still had some courage, picked up their weapons and shouted at them.

Seeing the Tibetans carrying rattan shields and wearing leather armor, with only a few carrying antique matchlock guns, Lieutenant Albert left a detachment to guard the boats. He then ordered two Sikh detachments to draw the Tibetans' attention from the front, while another Sikh detachment attacked the village from the flank, preparing to outflank the Tibetans' rear. This was the best tactic against native troops; almost every native force would try to flee upon discovering the enemy on their flank or rear, making it a very simple matter of driving them away.

Lieutenant Albert, standing by the wooden boat, quickly noticed the unease among the Tibetan troops behind the fortifications. They kept glancing towards the village, as if they were about to flee at any moment. The lieutenant decided to put more pressure on these Tibetan troops, so he ordered the two Sikh detachments attacking from the front to speed up their advance and prepare for hand-to-hand combat.

However, at that moment, the Sikh squad, which had been approaching the village, was suddenly attacked. After a burst of gunfire, all but three or four Sikhs in the squad fell down as they desperately fled toward the river. Lieutenant Albert felt that something was wrong with the gunfire, and the next moment a bullet pierced his temple, and he immediately collapsed onto the muddy ground by the river.

After watching his target fall through his binoculars, sniper Chen Qiang immediately moved his gun to look for the next British commander to step forward and give orders. However, no one appeared. The riverbank was in chaos, with everyone shouting and yelling, but no one stepped forward to give orders. He had no choice but to turn his gun towards the second boat that had come ashore.

As Lieutenant Albert fell, Captain Otley was preparing to disembark. Upon hearing the gunfire, he immediately rushed back onto the ship and ordered Sergeant Harvey of the machine gun squad, "Sergeant, prepare the machine guns and suppress our enemy."

However, Sergeant Harvey had just crouched behind the machine gun when he was killed by another bullet. At this point, the British didn't think much of it, assuming that Sergeant Harvey was just unlucky and had been hit by a stray bullet. But when another reserve machine gunner dragged the sergeant's body away and crouched behind the machine gun again, another bullet struck the poor man in the forehead.

The successive deaths of the machine gunners finally reminded Captain O'Tray of the horrific scenes described by his comrades during the Boer War. He immediately roared at his men, "The sharpshooter! Find the sharpshooter! Suppressive fire! Suppressive fire! Where's the boatman? Where's he? Row the boat away from this damned place! Lieutenant O'Lewell! Look what Lieutenant Albert is doing! Tell him to order the Sikhs to charge! Charge!"

Urged on by Captain Otley, Lieutenant Olivier had to straighten up and begin directing his men, issuing orders to the nearby Sikh squad. However, his actions were quickly noticed by Chen Qiang, who pulled the trigger again—his fifth shot.

Wu Luzhen, observing the battle, quickly noticed that without British command, the Sikhs were completely disoriented. They were either lying motionless on the ground or standing there in a daze. There was no interaction between the different Sikh squads; everyone was looking after themselves. So he immediately ordered a ceasefire and demanded that the British lay down their weapons and surrender.

Captain O'Tray initially wanted to uphold his honor, believing that falling into the hands of barbarians would lead to a bad end, given the many civilians they had killed along the way. However, upon hearing someone shout in English that surrender would spare their lives, he ultimately chose to continue living for his family.

For the troops entering Tibet, this was a glorious victory. They killed at least 23 men, captured nearly 60, and seized a Maxim machine gun, without suffering any casualties themselves. Out of fear of being shot, no one dared approach the Maxim machine gun until the very last moment, and thus, they were unable to destroy it.

When Captain O'Tray was brought before Wu Luzhen, though pale-faced, he mustered the courage to protest, "The Chinese army has unilaterally declared war on our troops; this is an act of war..."

Chapter 203 Good News

"One tube".

"Hu Jue Zhang".

"Damn it, I need to take a piss. You guys sort out your cards." He Guangxie covered up his hand, threw out a few chips, and got up to leave. Sitting opposite him, You Tai chuckled as he shuffled the cards and said, "Don't try to use this as an excuse to pee. If you're out of money, take some from me first. Right now, there aren't even enough people to play mahjong in this government office."

As the counselor to the resident minister in Tibet, He Guangxie could only shake his head and smile bitterly when he heard You Tai's words. He really didn't want to slack off with You Tai. To be honest, he also wanted to do something. However, the people in charge of the government were not Zhang Yintang, but a group of soldiers. He couldn't understand this approach, so he didn't dare to get close to them.

He Guangxie had already discerned the British invasion of Tibet when he went to Yatung to negotiate on the orders of Youtai. He knew that the British were deliberately invading Lhasa, not just to seize some land or demand more commercial privileges from Tibet. The British wanted more. This prompted him to feign illness and return shortly after arriving in Yatung, attempting to warn Youtai to be wary of the British. However, Youtai was clearly unwilling to create trouble for himself and did not heed his advice to take any precautions or warn the court.

What could He Guangxie say when he had a superior like You Tai? However, he did not expect that when the Resident Minister in Tibet began to give up, there were still people who wanted to save the situation. He Guangxie admired them, but he was also worried about the radical methods of these soldiers. He was very worried that this would cause the situation in Tibet to completely get out of control.

He was not against taking strong measures against the Tibetan government's government and the three major monasteries, and bringing Tibet completely under the control of the imperial court. However, the timing was completely wrong. The British were sending troops to Lhasa. If Lhasa were to cause any more trouble at this time, wouldn't Tibet really be handed over to others?

So, although he had been observing Zhang Yintang and the soldiers' actions with a cold eye these past two days, putting on an indifferent attitude, he was actually quite anxious and fearful inside, to the point that he kept losing at mahjong.

As He Guangxie was going downstairs, he saw Ma Wencai walking by carrying a stack of documents. He subconsciously called out to him, but when Ma Wencai stopped, he realized that he was not in a position to care about certain things, so he abruptly changed the subject and asked, "Has Lin Wenshu not left the yamen these past two days? I see that he has received quite a few invitations."

Ma Wencai wasn't actually a government official; his father was. However, his father died shortly after arriving in Tibet, so Ma Wencai became an unofficial clerk in the government office to support his family. Faced with an official like He Guangxie, who held a legitimate position, he could only honestly reply, "Scholar Lin has been discussing the production and sales cooperative with representatives of merchants and artisans these past two days, refusing all invitations, even those from several Kalons."

Hearing this expected reply, He Guangxie was also taken aback. Although Lin Wenshu had moved from the main building to the more spacious South Wing, anyone who paid a little attention could see that the South Wing was bustling with people. Although Zhang Yintang and You Tai were still working in the main building, the people below were willing to go to the South Wing to queue up and wait for an audience. Getting instructions from Lin Wenshu and then having them processed by the relevant departments was much more effective than Zhang Yintang's handwritten letter.

Although Lin Wenshu's actions did infringe upon the power of the Resident Minister in Tibet, Zhang Yintang had no objections, because Lin Wenshu was only taking on trivial matters, mostly related to eating, drinking, and relieving himself.

No official would want to get involved in such matters; it was troublesome and unprofitable. However, he avoided associating with the various Kalons, which made Zhang Yintang feel comfortable. All the trouble was handled by Lin Wenshu, and he only needed to discuss important matters with these Lhasa nobles. Why not?

Even You Tai didn't dislike Lin Wenshu. He felt that at least Lin was much more reliable than that General Ma. Lin was simply trying to serve the country, while General Ma was a traitor who betrayed his superior and was disloyal and untrustworthy. You Tai's only worry was how such a small army could stop the British attack. If they couldn't stop the British, then everything would be over, and there would be no point in talking about the agreement.

He Guangxie genuinely hoped that the army entering Tibet could hold off the British, thus buying some time for diplomatic negotiations. Of course, he would also prefer that this clerk, Lin, visit him so he could share his views on Tibet with him; at least they were on the same side now. However, this clerk, Lin, was truly not cut out for officialdom. He preferred to spend a great deal of time with merchants and peddlers rather than trying to win over the officials who actually got things done—he was incredibly arrogant.

He Guangxie shook his head and waved for Ma Wencai to leave, but a commotion came from the gate of the compound. He immediately looked nervously toward the gate, praying that nothing would go wrong.

However, the commotion quickly turned into cheers. He Guangxie took a few steps towards the stairs of the stone platform, intending to see what was happening, when a soldier ran up shouting, "Great victory! Our army has achieved a great victory at Qushui! Dozens of British soldiers killed and dozens captured..."

Holding onto the stair railing, He Guangxie couldn't help but shout, "Where are you going? Inspector Zhang is over here..."

The soldiers reporting the victory ignored him, running straight past the stone steps towards the south courtyard. He Guangxie stood there blankly, speechless for a long time.

When the good news arrived, Lin Xinyi was sitting on the veranda talking to the merchant representatives and craftsmen: "...Based on the current market survey, it's not that our products are inferior to Indian products. At least for Tibetan robes, Tibetan boots, and other clothing, yours are actually more suitable for the plateau environment and more durable."

What are the biggest problems right now? First, there's a lack of capital. Some shoemakers with limited capital can only make two pairs of decent Tibetan boots. Only after selling these two pairs can they afford to buy raw materials for production. Second, the errands run by officials and temples are too chaotic, disrupting normal production. Whenever an errand is assigned, they have to stop working and complete the official task first. But not all errands are urgent, and the craftsmen have no bargaining power. Third, there's the problem of usury…”

After speaking at length, Lin Xinyi concluded: "Therefore, if everyone wants to survive, the first thing we must do is organize ourselves and help each other. This includes cooperation in production, cooperation in sales, and cooperation in funding. Only in this way can we reduce production costs and maintain our livelihoods."

Lin Xinyi's summary was met with enthusiastic agreement not only from the artisan representatives but also from the merchant representatives. Over the past two days, Lin Xinyi, acting on behalf of the Qing Dynasty's resident minister in Tibet, had gathered them to discuss the production cooperative issue, and everyone felt it was indeed a way to improve their predicament.

In fact, Lin Xinyi did not advocate for an independent alliance between merchants and artisans, but rather for a production and sales alliance supported by the Qing Dynasty's Resident Minister's Office in Tibet. The Resident Minister's Office would place military supply orders with merchants, who would then provide raw materials to the artisans, collect the finished products, and pay the artisans. In this way, merchants could avoid competition with Indian goods and retain their own territory, while the Resident Minister's Office would ensure the existence of a vested interest group in Lhasa that benefited from government subsidies through targeted subsidies.

Furthermore, Lin Xinyi also advocated restricting the use of the rupee, requiring that it be exchanged for Tibetan currency before it could be used in Tibet, thereby curbing the rupee's tendency to crowd out Tibetan currency and silver in the Lhasa market. This required merchants to reach a consensus and then negotiate with the Hankou branch of the Central Bank to establish a branch in Lhasa responsible for currency exchange.

Next came the crackdown on usury and the purchase of corvée labor from artisans. Directly exempting artisans from corvée labor was unlikely to gain the approval of the Kashag and the three major monasteries, but it was possible to redeem the artisans' right to operate their own businesses with a sum of money. In fact, Lin Xinyi was already arranging to handle this matter.

With the establishment of the Military and Political Committee, Lin Xinyi had two complementary departments at his disposal. He submitted suggestions to the Military and Political Committee through the Office of the Minister in Tibet, and the Military and Political Committee implemented the suggestions, which then became formal policy documents.

For example, on the very day the Military and Political Committee was established, Lin Xinyi demanded that the indentures of the army and their families be transferred to the name of Manjushri Bodhisattva, to be managed by the Resident Minister's Office in Tibet. The Kashag government couldn't even bypass the Military and Political Committee to object; it could only watch as the committee issued this decree. This actually caused a great shock among the upper echelons of Lhasa, as it was something that had never happened before.

It has always been the emperors of Beijing who made donations to Tibetan monasteries; never before has an emperor in Beijing requested to acquire a group of serfs from Tibet. Although this is quite unreasonable, it is procedurally legal, because there is no provision stating that Manjushri Bodhisattva cannot possess Tibetan serfs.

However, the Tibetan nobles and high-ranking monks were well aware that the Qing government's resident minister in Tibet did not want these serfs, but rather sought to free them, which would violate Tibetan customs. Therefore, the Kashag government and the three major monasteries consistently resisted the Military and Political Committee's decree. Although they could not prevent the Military and Political Committee from issuing the decree, they held the serfs' indentures and could delay handing them over.

Tibetan nobles and monasteries were closely watching the outcome of the first battle between the Han Chinese army and the British forces, hoping to determine their stance on the Qing government's position. However, it was clear that fate was on the Han side this time; at noon on August 31st, a messenger returning from Qushui brought news of the Han Chinese army's first victory.

Chapter 204 Atmosphere

The Han troops had only left Lhasa on the 29th, and news of their victory arrived on the 31st. This meant that the Han troops had defeated the British vanguard as soon as they arrived in Qushui. This news quickly shocked the Tibetan upper class. From 1856 onwards, the Han troops in Tibet had become increasingly ineffective. In the past, it was the Han troops who defended Lhasa, but later it was the Tibetans themselves who were defending Lhasa.

Especially during the first British invasion of Tibet, the Qing government not only refrained from sending troops but also signed an agreement with the British, directly opening the Tibetan border. This led to widespread disillusionment among Tibetans with the Qing government, contributing to the growing pro-Russian faction in Lhasa. Tibetans began to believe that perhaps Lhasa needed a new patron.

Of course, the Tibetans' pro-Russian inclination did not arise from direct contact with the Russians, but rather through the Mongols as intermediaries. Ever since Zuo Zongtang recovered Xinjiang but the Qing court sold the rights of Xinjiang to the Russians, the Mongols felt that the Qing Dynasty was unreliable, and thus the legend of the "White Tsar" began to circulate among the Mongols.

The conclusion of this legend is that the Mongols would ultimately be ruled by the Tsar, and given the unity between Mongolia and Tibet, some Tibetans began to believe that only the Tsar could protect Lhasa. Meanwhile, the person cultivating pro-Russian influence in Tibet was none other than the 13th Dalai Lama's tutor, Derzhi. Although he was a Buryat and originally ineligible to enter Tibet, he impersonated a Mongol from another region to study Buddhism and received funding from St. Petersburg.

Although the Russians did not actually enter Tibet, thanks to the instigation of this outstanding Buryat spy and the clever use of the British invasion of Tibet, a large number of Tibetan nobles believed that only the Tsar could protect Tibetan traditions and beliefs. This sentiment spread particularly rapidly during the second British invasion of Tibet.

However, following the battle of Qushui, many nobles suddenly realized that the Han soldiers were indeed capable fighters, and that considering new patrons at this point seemed premature. The initial resistance to the Military and Political Committee's orders immediately improved. The Kashag (Tibetan government) approved the Military and Political Committee's inclusion of the army and their families under the protection of Manjushri Bodhisattva, but also formally proposed to the Resident Minister's Office in Tibet that, given Tibet's small population, these individuals should not exceed 3000 households.

The reply from the Resident Minister's Office in Tibet was that Manjushri Bodhisattva intended to protect the families of soldiers, and there should be no restrictions on this. However, the Resident Minister's Office believed that the size of the Tibetan army should be 3000 men as per the old system, but families who married Han Chinese should also be under the management of the Resident Minister's Office.

In fact, the list of protected households proposed by the Qing government in Tibet already exceeded 5000, and this number continued to grow as the army expanded. While the Kashag and the three major monasteries were still hesitating, on August 1, the British prisoners captured in Quxu were escorted to Lhasa by the Tibetan army. Although there were only 55 people, including 14 British, the scene still caused a sensation in Lhasa.

The Nepalese, Bhutanese, and Sikkimese were quite shocked when they saw the British appear as prisoners on the streets of Lhasa, because in their memory, the British had never appeared before them in this way before, or the Afghans had ever had such an honor, but it had nothing to do with them.

Geographically and in terms of ethnic beliefs, Nepalese, Bhutanese, and Sikkimese are actually closer to Lhasa. The purpose of the British invasion of Tibet was to force Lhasa to completely relinquish its control over Sikkim and Bhutan. Given the British army's more than 150 years of glorious military achievements on the Indian subcontinent, they all believed that Lhasa could not possibly win this war.

Because of this belief, the Nepalese representatives had been urging the Lhasa nobility to submit to the British. The British army's rapid advance, demonstrating that it was the terrain of the Tibetan Plateau, not the Tibetan soldiers, that hindered them, undoubtedly proving the British's strength. Even the bravest Tibetans armed with matchlock guns and knives could hardly withstand Maxim machine guns and artillery.

But when the British entered Lhasa as prisoners of war rather than victors, the pessimism surrounding the war quickly shifted. Even the Nepalese, Bhutanese, and Sikkimese, seeing the British walking among the prisoners, suddenly felt that the British weren't so terrifying after all. The citizens of Lhasa began presenting khatas (ceremonial scarves) to the Qing Dynasty's resident minister's office, and monks began praying for the army entering Tibet.

The Kashag suddenly found itself in the minority. At this time, the Dalai Lama summoned the four Kalons, demanding the swift implementation of the reform plan and advocating acceptance of the orders of the Military and Political Council. The Dalai Lama believed that confronting the Qing Dynasty's Resident Minister's Office on issues concerning the army and its families was unwise and was alienating the Tibetan army from the Kashag.

The Dalai Lama's claims are also based on evidence. While the Kashag (Tibetan government) was constantly opposing the administration of the army and its dependents to the Resident Minister's Office in Tibet, the Resident Minister's Office promoted the victory at Qushui as a great victory for the Chinese people, emphasizing that the support of the Tibetans was the key to this victory, and further stressing the concept of a unified Han-Tibetan nation.

The Tibetan army that escorted the prisoners into Lhasa did not initially feel that this victory was anything of honor for them, because their greatest contribution in this battle was to dig fortifications, and then they hid in the fortifications and waited for the battle to end. They did not even hear any orders to charge. Although they fired a few shots, they did not hit anything, because matchlock guns were no longer suitable for modern warfare.

Although they were happy about the victory and wanted to join the war, the Tibetan army, which had been filled with fear of war, finally regained its courage after the Han soldiers forced the British troops who had landed to surrender. However, they also knew that they were completely incapable of fighting such a battle, so they could only stay away from the honor brought by the victory.

On the evening of August 3, Zhang Yintang summoned Lin Xinyi for a talk. He said to him with a slightly excited expression, "The battle at Qushui was a great victory. After this battle, the voices opposing the Military and Political Committee have become much quieter. Kalon Tsering and Danjilin have both expressed to the Qing Dynasty's Resident Minister's Office their willingness to support the Military and Political Committee's decision. So, what do you think is the next step for us to promote the new policies in Tibet?"

Ganden, Drepung, and Sera monasteries are the three major monasteries of Lhasa, which are actually the highest-ranking monastic officials in Tibet and the regents chosen by the Dalai Lama before he came of age. Dangye Ling is the monastery from which the regent Demu Hutuktu, who was overthrown by the 13th Dalai Lama, originated. It was severely weakened by accusations of plotting against the 13th Dalai Lama and even had his title of Living Buddha revoked.

The Ninth Demok passed away after being imprisoned in Danjilin. Now, Danjilin is attempting to revive the Demok lineage, and expressing support for the Qing Dynasty's resident minister's office at this time is clearly a sign of shifting allegiance. However, Zhang Yintang still has some hesitation, worrying that supporting the revival of the Demok lineage would provoke the Dalai Lama's displeasure.

After thinking it over, Lin Xinyi said to Zhang Yintang, "In fact, after the establishment of the Military and Political Committee, the Kashag government and the three major monasteries became its opponents. Regardless of whether the Dalai Lama likes it or not, as long as the authority of the Military and Political Committee remains, we can use it to establish political power in Tibet."

As long as Danjilin and the nobles in their individual capacities are willing to support the military and political council and to support reforms to Tibet's political and religious systems, then I think restoring Demo is not a problem.

As for the next step in promoting the new policies, it would be more appropriate to discuss how to establish genuine authority for the Military and Political Committee at the grassroots level in Tibet. Without a grassroots organization that is completely obedient to the Military and Political Committee, even the most perfect new policies cannot be implemented, and the nobles might even distort them into a new form of exploitation.

To establish grassroots organizations in Tibetan areas loyal to the central government, the liberation of serfs was paramount. Without a group of liberated serfs, no one would safeguard the achievements of the new policies.

After listening to Lin Xinyi's words, Zhang Yintang fell into deep thought. In the long run, the Tibetan upper class would benefit from the new policies. Therefore, Zhang Yintang was very open and honest when promoting the new policies. When he met with the nobles to discuss the new policies, he talked most about how the new policies would benefit Tibet and also bring benefits to the nobles.

However, abolishing serfdom was a challenge to the interests of the entire Tibetan upper class. No noble or monastery could benefit from the abolition; only the serfs would benefit. Reforms from the top down were essentially a redistribution of wealth among the upper classes, at most leaving some scraps for the lower classes to mask the reformers' true intentions.

Even if such reforms are for the benefit of the entire upper class at the expense of a portion of them, they will still cause discontent. For example, Tsar Alexander II, who promoted the reform of serfdom in Russia, was assassinated several times and eventually died at the hands of his assassins.

Faced with the abolitionist reform that would offend the entire Tibetan upper class, Zhang Yintang ultimately backed down. He avoided Lin Xinyi's gaze and said, "I think it's better to proceed cautiously. For example, we can bring the army and their families under the control of the court now, and then seek to liberate the artisans as well. Gradually abolishing the serf system in this way will be much less troublesome than abolishing it directly."

Lin Xinyi could only shake his head inwardly. At this crucial moment, they should decisively deal with a group of nobles and monks, and then forcefully push for the abolition of slavery. After all, it was wartime; any resistance could be directly labeled as traitors. But if they missed this opportunity, a counterattack from these nobles would be inevitable. How could they possibly use the army to deal with opposition in peacetime?

However, he also knew that this was the objective reality that those with vested interests could not betray their own class. Zhang Yintang was ultimately just an elite bureaucrat trying to save China's upper class through reform, not a true revolutionary. He skipped over this topic and continued, "The second batch of troops will arrive in Lhasa in the next day or two. Taking advantage of this opportunity, I think we should at least first take control of the grassroots organizations in Lhasa. For example, we should reform the Langzixia Liekong, separating religion from government, thereby establishing a completely secular Lhasa municipal government..."

Chapter 205 Prisoner

Zhang Yintang agreed with the suggestion of separating religion and state. In fact, he always believed that the separation of religion and state and the replacement of local chieftains with centrally appointed officials were policies that the central government had to implement. In order to control the beliefs of the various Mongol tribes and maintain the mutual antagonism between the various ethnic groups in the country, the Manchu Qing deliberately supported Tibetan Buddhism and imprisoned the hearts of Tibetans and Mongols, which directly led to the centrifugal forces in Xinjiang, Outer Mongolia, and Tibet. This was a case of evil causes leading to evil consequences.

If the Manchus hadn't devoted all their power to suppressing the Han Chinese, these regions would have long been incorporated into the Han cultural sphere. Even with the invasions of Russia and Britain, the current strong separatist sentiment wouldn't have arisen. For example, the opening of the Willow Palisade in Northeast China and the resulting influx of Han immigrants, which prevented the emergence of separatist sentiments in the three northeastern provinces like those in Xinjiang, Outer Mongolia, and Tibet, is the best proof of this.

For over two centuries, the Manchus, driven by their own selfish interests, poisoned China, giving foreign powers the opportunity to intervene in China's border regions. Therefore, from the moment he entered the Kham region, Zhang Yintang had been keenly interested in the possibility of replacing local chieftains with centrally appointed officials. Now, with this victory, he was tempted to push forward the initial work of separating religion and politics. However, he still cautiously inquired, "Will the Dalai Lama accept this outcome? Right now, we should prioritize resisting the British and not lose our composure."

Lin Xinyi replied confidently, "By using the trial of British prisoners of war, we can first separate the judicial power, and then seek the separation of municipal management power. I believe that once the first step is taken well, it will be difficult for others to stop us."

Upon hearing that the British prisoners of war would be put on trial, Zhang Yintang hesitated for a moment before saying, "These prisoners of war should indeed be tried, but they are also bargaining chips for diplomacy with the British. You're not going to execute them all, are you? I think the British should keep them for now."

Lin Xinyi replied to Zhang Yintang: "It is definitely impossible not to kill them. If we don't kill them, we can't deter the British army. It will only make the British more unscrupulous in harming civilians and will also dampen the morale of the Tibetan people in resisting the British."

Of course, any killings must be justified and based on evidence, following a legal trial process, so as not to put us at a disadvantage in future diplomatic relations. Finally, we need to taint the Dalai Lama and the Kashag with British blood, to prevent any possibility of reconciliation between them and the British. Therefore, a few must be killed.”

After a moment of silence, Zhang Yintang asked Lin Xinyi, "How do you plan to kill him? We can't kill that British captain; he's the most valuable prisoner of war we have right now."

After thinking for a moment, Lin Xinyi said, “Although he has value, his value is not as a prisoner, but as a witness to accuse the British army of massacring civilians. I will not execute him, but he will have a change of heart at the Spring Capital Conference in three days and accuse the British army of its crimes. Our wireless telegraph network with Wuhan is complete, and his letter of repentance will be sent to Wuhan by telegram and then published in the newspapers. The Germans should be happy to send this news back to Europe.”

Zhang Yintang simply looked at Lin Xinyi and said, "If he were truly willing to publicly repent and accuse the British army of their crimes, that would be ideal. But is that really possible? You can't force a confession out of him, can you? If that gets out, it will only make us a laughingstock."

Lin Xinyi smiled and said, "How could I use such outdated methods as torture? I require all prisoners to be treated well and not to be subjected to corporal punishment. However, I have already screened the representatives of the Spring Capital Conference to ensure that no one who understands English will be present that day. So, regardless of what he says or doesn't say, the translator will complete his accusations against the British army on his behalf."

Zhang Yintang paused for a moment before saying, "If we do this, won't he be exposed when he goes back to India?"

Lin Xinyi shook his head and said, "As long as we fatten him up, the British won't think we're framing him. They'll just think he betrayed his country to save his own life. Then, we can have his subordinates shift the blame onto him. The ordinary British soldiers won't feel like they're receiving preferential treatment from an officer. To save their own lives, they'll say something, and naturally, they'll shift the blame to this officer."

In this way, the British would at most deny his statement, rather than want to confront us. Of course, I believe the Germans would not believe the British denial. If possible, we should find a suitable time to send the British prisoners of war to the interior, release them in Wuhan, and let them witness, in front of international journalists, whether these prisoners had been mistreated.

If the newly arrived Tibetan army hadn't already achieved an incredible victory, the Tibetan army would have killed far fewer people than it had captured this time, let alone taken any British prisoners alive. Therefore, no matter how absurd Lin Xinyi's plan was, Zhang Yintang was willing to seriously consider it. And while this plan was somewhat fanciful, it wasn't entirely unworkable.

However, he hesitated for a moment before asking Lin Xinyi, "While doing this may damage Britain's reputation, the British have massacred civilians more than once or twice. Those Europeans will only care whether the people being massacred are white or not; they probably won't care about the deaths of Tibetans, will they?"

Lin Xinyi nodded in agreement and said, "Yes, Europeans like to say: the victor is not condemned. No matter how many white women and children the British killed in the Boer War, as long as the British army ultimately won, the British would still defend their own army, because that is what is called patriotism and nationalism."

To gain British sympathy for the killing of Tibetan civilians, we must first continue to win. Only when we have eliminated enough British soldiers will the British civilians feel that this war is inhumane, just as inhumane as the British invasion of Afghanistan.

After much deliberation, Zhang Yintang finally decided to let Lin Xinyi take charge. However, at the end of the conversation, he raised a new question: "You shared the victory of this war with the Tibetan army. Won't that damage the morale of the troops?"

Lin Xinyi bowed slightly to him and replied, "We said before we entered Tibet that the purpose of this war is not for any honor, but to protect the Tibetan people. Moreover, there is no shortage of Tibetans in the current army, so why would they feel discouraged? Having the entire Tibetan people supporting the army will only boost morale."

Zhang Yintang finally said nothing more. Lin Xinyi nodded to him and left the reception room. He had just reached the bottom of the stairs when a person emerged from under a pillar. He stopped for a moment, but quickly relaxed and said, "Lord He, is there something you need from me?"

He Guangxie glanced around and then replied to him, "I've found the people you asked me to find. When are you free to meet with them?"

Lin Xinyi was somewhat surprised, but he quickly regained his composure and said, "Then how about tomorrow afternoon? Can you invite them to the South Campus? Do you have their personal information?"

He Guangxie pulled a folded piece of paper from his sleeve and handed it to Lin Xinyi, saying, "Then I'll bring them to see you tomorrow at 2 PM..."